Has Bigfoot ever been refuted

Friedrich Pöhl:
The world understanding of the North American Indians in the light of European philosophy
Book from the series "Innsbruck Contributions to Cultural Studies", edited by Wolfgang Meid, Innsbruck 2004, ISBN 3-85124-211-4; Order: [email protected]



introduction

"The bullet is a kind of pioneer of civilization. Although its mission is often deadly, it is useful and necessary. Without the bullet, America would not be a great, free, united and powerful country".
William F. Cody (Buffalo Bill)


Fig. 1: The dead body of Big Foot (Si Tanka). Wounded Knee Massacre in December 1890, South Dakota

And then tanka also big foot: An old man is lying in the snow and sees a child that is still suckling on its dead mother and sees the last of its people lying on top of each other and sees the blood in the snow .. and still spreads its arms and lifts his head and opens his eyes so that nothing of what he sees is lost and everything that was there once when his eyes break, streams out of him and with the wind out and in a heart maybe a song .. and looks and dies and no longer freezes

Then snow falls and lies like a kerchief

Josef Oberhollenzer

Fig.2: Tomb of Wounded Knee, Pine Ridge 1999.
Only on the fourth day after the massacre were the frozen corpses of the over 200 women,
Children and mostly old men buried in a mass grave.

Chapter II
Thinking of otherness (excerpt)

"What I want is not that the Mayan women let all Europeans they meet torn apart by dogs (which is of course an absurd assumption), but that one remembers what can happen if one does not succeed to discover others ".
Tzvetan Todorov *

Based on the mature conviction that myths can express neither metaphysical nor ontological obligations, that they tell us nothing about the world order or the origin and destiny of man, but that they help us, the functioning of the societies from which they originate, and consequently Understanding its mainspring, it is Lévi-Strauss' profound insight that structural analysis of myths enables us to locate certain constant and fundamental "modes of operation" of human thought. Thought operates according to a binary system of oppositions - the logic of Indian myths lies primarily in the opposing perception of sensual properties of concrete objects (cold / hot, male / female, earthly / heavenly, raw / cooked), whereas modern scientific logic lies in the formal opposites of abstract units (+ and -). Both logics are in this sense an attempt to talk about the same things in a different way. While in Der nackte Mensch (Mythologica IV) it still appears as if the human brain functions like a binary apparatus and the binary and dual structure of human thought is a universal fact, Lévi-Strauss says goodbye to it in his late work The Lynx Story universal claim. He states that he "does not see any universal phenomenon in the dualistic organization resulting from the binary nature of human thought," and continues: "I merely state that peoples [ie the Indians of South and North America - FP] , ... have decided [sic] to explain the world according to the model of a dualism that fluctuates in perpetual imbalance, the successive phases of which are nested in one another - a dualism that can be found now in mythology, now in social organization, now in both take shape in a coherent way ". (1) The usual in-depth analysis of so-called twin mythologies of both Americas allows Lévi-Strauss to conclude that the Indian peoples have a "spiritual disposition" in common, according to which their dual systems of thought held a "void" that made it possible to keep a place free in their thought system for completely others, in this case the non-Indian or the white. If the Indian systems of thought derive their "inspiration from an opening to the other", then the different reactions of the Aztecs, Maya, Inca and many North American nations to the arrival of foreigners on the American continent can also be better understood. (2) The reference myth, from which Lévi-Strauss once again shows the dichotomous thought structure of the "primitive" understanding of the world, which contains an irreversible duality between a "good" and "bad" principle, and therefore for the first time the theory of " Blank "developed, comes from the Tupinambá people from Brazil and must now be represented schematically:

In primeval times, the god Monan lived among people and only performed good deeds. But since the people did not show themselves grateful, he had them all killed with the help of a conflagration of heavenly origin. He only saved one person whom he took to heaven, and at his request Monan also smothered the world fire with a downpour of rain. He then created a woman for the surviving man so that the couple could reproduce and a second race emerged.

Up to this point, two types of dualisms can already be identified: on the one hand, Monan introduces the separation between heavenly deities and earthly creatures - on the other hand there is the dualism between the destructive heavenly fire, which let the first humanity perish, and the restorative heavenly water, which in the myth ultimately also represents the origin of the sea and the watercourses, as there was neither rain nor sea on earth before.

The emergence of the second race was also the emergence of the demiurge Maire Monan, the lord and master of all arts, especially the art of metamorphosis. He gave all living beings their present appearance, as there had previously been no generic differences between humans and animals. Because the living beings fought against their transformations and showed themselves ungrateful, the demiurge withdrew all cultural goods from them as a punishment and kept them for the whites. So his real children were the whites who were superior to the Indians in culture. Fighting against the demiurge, living beings burned him at the stake, he rose to heaven, became a thunderstorm and left offspring on earth. One of them was Sumé, who had twins, one of whom was peaceful but the other was extremely aggressive. The quarrel between the two resulted in a deluge of earthly origin. All people and animals were killed, the twins fled with their wives to a mountain top and survived.

In this section, too, two dualisms can be identified: on the one hand that between the Indians and the whites, on the other hand that between the destructive earthly fire (pyre) and the destructive earthly water (deluge).

The Tupinambá descend from one of the twins and his wife and their hereditary enemies, the Timiminó tribe, from the other couple. In the village of the Tupinambá lived a confidante of the great Monan, a certain Maire Pochy, who held the rank of slave and was ugly, but possessed magical powers. One day he brought home a fish and the Lord's daughter ate it, became pregnant and gave birth to a beautiful boy. To find out who the boy's father was, they gathered all the men in the village to see whose bows and arrows the boy would take. He took the one from Maire Pochy and with that he was identified as the boy's father. As a result, all of the villagers abandoned Maire Pochy, his wife, and the child. But the place where they dwelt produced an abundance of all things, whereas the place where everyone else dwelt was sterile to the extent that people died of hunger. Seized with pity, Maire Pochy had them supplied with food and invited everyone to visit him. But the fertile soil of their host made them so covetous that they plundered everything. Maire Pochy immediately transformed them into different animals. After this incident, all relatives and the wife turned away from Maire Pochy - he shed his ugly form, became the most beautiful of all people and went to heaven. His son Maire, a great magician, after he had performed many miracles among the people, went in search of his father, found him and became the sun. But on earth he left a son, Maire Ata, who married a local woman. Although Maire Ata's wife was already pregnant, she traveled and got lost. She came across opossum, which she invited to her house and, taking advantage of her sleep, impregnated her with another son. The woman left Opossum, lost her way to strange Indians, who killed her. Before they ate the foreign Indians, they threw the two embryos that had been cut out onto the rubbish heap. A woman found the embryos and raised them. As a result, the twins avenged their mother by drowning the killers who became today's wild animals. After the campaign of revenge, they went in search of their father (Maire Ata), from whom they were subjected to severe trials. In the course of this, Opossus's son proved to be vulnerable and weak, while his own son was invulnerable and strong, who always brought his brother back to life when he died. (3)

It is precisely this last section of the myth that is interspersed with structures that, often transformed, come to light again and again not only in South America, but also in North American myths. Apart from that, different dualisms can also be seen here: the dualism between the Tupinambá and their arch enemies, the dualism between the "good" fellow citizens who live in abundance and the "bad" ones who suffer from hunger, the dualism between the two twins of them one is weak, the other is strong - and finally there is a dualism between the two pairs of twins, the first of which is hostile and the second is friendly to one another.

The interpretation of the myth makes it clear that the dichotomous system of thought opens up the possibility of assigning a space in one's own worldview to the completely different. Every time the Creator creates something, he creates his counterpart at the same time - the very fact of the creation of the Indians implies the creation of the non-Indian or the white. The beginning of the existence of the Indian is at the same time the beginning of the existence of something else that the Indians are not. The dichotomy continues to unfold on different levels, i.e. the creation of the Tupinambá also means the creation of their enemies and the separation of the Tupinambá into "good" and "bad", strong and weak. Therefore there seems to be a "void" in the American-Indian thought operations, which was soon assigned to the arriving Europeans in the myths. According to Lévi-Strauss, Indian dualism "draws its inspiration [...] from an opening to the other, which was expressed in a demonstrative way during the first contact with whites, although these whites were driven by completely different inclinations". (4) It is therefore not surprising that the Tupinambá have already integrated the Portuguese into their system of thought 50 years after their arrival in Brazil (the myth discussed was recorded by Thevet between 1550 and 1555). It is also noteworthy that the Indians of the Gê language family in Brazil tell the same myth, but in a reversed or transformed way - a fact that, according to Lévi-Strauss, is based on the fact that "one crosses a cultural and linguistic boundary". (5) The Gê myth also deals with the origin of the separation of the two races, but it differs essentially from the Tupinambá myth in that the hero of the Gê myth does not deny the Indians the treasures of the whites, but that the hero denies them Offering treasures from the whites to the Indians. Depending on the different versions of the myth, the hero succeeds in convincing his Indian confreres to adapt to the culture of the whites. (6) Leví-Strauss agrees with Alfred Métraux in this sense that similar myths arose in many American tribes after the European conquest . Leaves "blanks" open. If the creation of the Indians (in the Tupinambá myth) also harbors the possibility of creating a completely unknown person, i.e. the non-Indian, then the "blanks" would have the function of "expecting contributions from outside" that they [ie the voids - FP] should close and thanks to which their structure would have denser ". (7) In our opinion, this expectation could also be seen in connection with the prophecies that the Aztecs, the Maya and the Inca had of the arrival of unknown people: In the sacred books of the Maya it is written that they are the "guests who have beards and come from the Orient "should be welcomed in a friendly manner. The eighth Inca in Peru received the prophecy that bearded men would destroy his empire and religion, a prophecy that the eleventh and last Inca (Huayna Capac) renewed: The last Inca had a statue erected the day after the vision that showed what had appeared to him: "A tall man with a foot-long beard and a kind of priestly robe that reached to the floor. At the end of a chain he led a very strange animal of unknown shape and with lion paws"; The Indian artists, it is reported, could not imagine this being, the Spaniards, on the other hand, faithfully following the principle of déjà-su, recognized Saint Bartholomew in the figure (as they did in the Sumé of the Tupinambá and in the Quetzalcoatl of the Aztecs recognized St. Thomas), but this in no way prevented them from destroying the temple that housed the statue in their search for great treasures. (8) Like the Incas, the Aztecs did not offer any dangerous military resistance to the Spanish conquerors, because Quetzalcoatl announced to the Aztecs that one day similar beings would come to him from the east - the Aztecs for their part, according to the chronicles, presented Quetzalcoatl as a light-skinned one and long-bearded man. (9)

On the North American continent it is the Hopi people who, in the mythical tales of the migration of the clans, leave a "blank" open for "Pahána", the lost white brother. Másau, the ruler of the fourth world in Hopi mythology, gave the Fire Clan a sacred tablet for the journey to find their final home and explained the incised symbols: "When the Fire Clan has wandered to its final home, the time will come when The members of the clan will be forced to arrange their land and life according to the will of the new ruler, or they will be treated like criminals and punished waiting for Pahána - FP] who will set them free ". (10) The first white man met the Hopi in the form of the Spaniard Pedro de Tovar and the Hopi tradition tells that he was warmly welcomed by all the leaders of the clan: "Here four lines were drawn from consecrated cornmeal (11); the guide of the bear clan stepped to the limit and held out his palm upwards to the leader of the white men. If he were really the real Pahána, the Hopi knew, then he too would reach out his hand, upside down, and so on taking the hand of the bear clan leader to form the nakwach, the ancient symbol of brotherhood. Instead, Tovar harshly ordered one of his men to give the bear clan leader a present, assuming the Indian expected it all the Hopi leaders that Pahána had forgotten the old agreement made between their peoples at the time of separation ". (12) After the Spaniards came the Navaho, of whom the Hopis soon knew they were not Pahána, and finally came the Americans, who were no more recognized as the real Pahána - the Hopis are still waiting today for their lost white brother.

Although the mythological tradition of the Sioux does not contain any myths similar to Tupinambá or Hopi, the assignment of the four sacred colors (red, black, yellow, white) to the four wind directions and to the four human races testifies to the inclusion of the other or the non- Indians in their thought and ceremonial system. Moreover, according to Fools Crow, wasna (a mixture of meat and berries) is given as a gift under the tree when the sun dance tree is being erected, in honor of all deceased "people of all nationalities": "It is an supplication to God that he may watch over them and may feed the dead and their widows and children ". (13)

The "void" (14) in the system of thought of the American Indians is based on their "two-part ideology", which holds the possibility of an otherness and a dual relationship ready. According to Lévi-Strauss, this dichotomous principle is particularly evident in the twin mythologies that are widespread across the American continent. The myths "organize beings and things on the basis of a series of twins", ie "ideally twins at every level, the sub-areas always turn out to be unequal": The twins are therefore not real twins and if the myths speak of real twins, then "Hurry up to isolate them again by assigning them opposite gifts and characters; one aggressive, the other peaceful; one strong, the other weak; one intelligent and skillful, the other stupid, awkward or reckless .. . "(15). In this sense, the myths provide information about the "organization of the world and society" in the Indian understanding of the world; the world and social system is based on a "dynamic imbalance" which must never fall into a "state of inertia". (16)

The myths also provide information about the real dealings with twin births of different Indian nations; so many peoples of South America feared the birth of twins, the Tupí-Guaraní, for example, regarded twin births as ominous and killed the twins immediately after birth, distinguishing between two types of twins, i.e. real twins (by nature) were malignant and were killed, Twins conceived by different fathers were benign; the peoples of the tropical rainforest usually only killed one of the twins, the Tlingit in Alaska generally killed the twins, the Skagit in Washington abandoned them and let them die. (17)

Jean Baudrillard explains "the damnation and the curse that weighs on twins in all cultures" by stating that nature "in the form of twins" offers us in a certain way a "kind of anticipation of cloning", although the dream " That undivided separation "mostly only" remains "symbolic": "Only with the> ontological

Although the twins are a preferred subject in Native American mythology, the meaning that the myths give them is that they are not actually twins. The myths therefore deal with the "impossible twinning", including that between Indians and whites, and they suggest "that every unity hides a duality and that if this duality manifests itself in reality, [...] it does there can be no real equality between the two halves ". (19) A distinction must be made between two formulas of twins, or between twins of different sex and same-sex twins. In most myths, twins of different sexes are doomed to incest and from their incestuous bond the first humanity arises. This mythical scheme answers the question: "How can duality (that of the sexes and the subsequent one, which includes the marriage covenant), be brought about from unity ...". (20) The formula, on the other hand, which produces same-sex twins, answers the opposite question: "Can the duality in the approximate image of the unity be absorbed [...], or does it have an irreversible character, to the extent that the minimal distance between its terms must widen fatally? ". (21) The myths outline a number of different solutions here. If the duality has an "irreversible character", it takes on an antithetical form, as exemplified by the benevolent and malevolent twin in the Iroquois creation myth. (22) On the other hand, the antithetical structure, as represented by a myth of the Coeur d'Alêne, reveals itself in a unique and remarkable way: a woman surprises the twins when they secretly discuss life and death. One is the conviction that being alive is better, the other that being dead is better. But when they noticed their mother, they were silent and people have been dying since then. If the woman, the myth goes on, had let the twins finish their discussion, there would have been either no life or no death in the future. (23) In contrast to American mythology, in which the identity of the twins, if at all, only has a "provisional" character that cannot last, the tendency is noticeable in Greek mythology (e.g. Castor and Pollux) , says Lévi-Strauss, to make the twins the same or homogeneous. Because American-Indian cosmology and sociology derives its "inner driving force" from inequality, Indian thinking, in contrast to Indo-European thinking, has "drawn an explanation of the world" from the problem of twinning: "For the thinking of American Indians, a kind of philosophical thought seems Clinamen to be indispensable so that in any sector of the cosmos or society things do not remain in their initial state and thus another unstable dualism always grows out of an unstable dualism - unstable on whatever level it is grasped ". (24)

The peoples of the northwest coast of North America very often equate the twins with animals (e.g. bears or salmon - lynx and coyote are also twins) and the same phenomenon is also encountered with the Aztecs - the word coatl has a double meaning, namely "snake" and "twin" ":" The name of the god Quetzalcoatl can be interpreted as a 'feather snake' as well as a 'glorious twin' - the latter word meaning probably stemming from the fact that Quetzalcoatl represented the planet Venus on an astronomical level, that twin in its two aspects of morning One could also assume a dialectical relationship between these two meanings. Each unites two terms: snake and bird in one, twins in the other. In one case, however, these two terms lead to maximum opposition (between heaven and chtonic world ), in the other a minimal (between twins) in mind. In these two meanings connotie rt the name Quetzalcoatl thus the upper and lower limit of the opposition category ". (25)

The dual thinking of the American Indians understands equality and symmetry as something negative, one of the twins always embodies the evil principle or one of the twins almost always takes on the role of a trickster - often the coyote in North America. (26) Also in the religious-magical ideas of the holy men of the Sioux, the evil spirits have their undisputed existence, which is not absorbed in a universal reconciliation with the good. (27) In this sense one can speak of a Manichaean principle, a coexistence of two eternal and irreconcilable cosmic principles. The American Indian thinks the reality of good and evil, he does not believe in the utopia of the universality of good. The world view in terms of duality is also shown in mythological ideas of the peoples of Southern California (the good and the bad Demiurge fight each other forever) or in those of the Lakota-Sioux; forever and ever two deities face each other in battle, without either of them ever being able to be finally defeated - the good, divine thunderbird (wakinyan) and the giant Iyo. (28) A game without end - the rule of the game is duality. According to Baudrillard, there can only be a "radical otherness" in duality: "The otherness is not based on a vague dialectic of one and the other, but on an irrevocable principle. Without this dual and antagonistic principle, one always only becomes the phantom of Encounter otherness, the mirror games of difference and a culture of difference in which the great idea of ​​duality is lost ". (29) He speaks of an "irrevocable principle" so that the duality of good and evil "is not abolished again in favor of some final reconciliation", as exemplified in the doctrine of predestination - this ultimately "has no other meaning than that to make banal exchange of good and bad impossible ". (30) The modern dream of eliminating all bad and negative (including death), as we saw in the American experiment at Biosphere II, is the "ideal model" of eradicating all "negative traits" - there are "none Viruses, no germs, no scorpions, no sexual reproduction ", everything is" cleansed, immunized, immortalized "- but according to Baudrillard, humanity is going" in the direction of a disappearance of the symbolic characteristics of the species "and Nietzsche's vision," consequently the human one The species, left to its own devices, capable of either duplicating or destroying, "would be confirmed. (31) The exclusion of otherness can only return "in hatred, in racism and in murderous experiments". (32)

The dualism of the Indian ideology is also realized in the social structure and in the social organization. Lévi-Strauss tried to show, using exemplary examples of populations in South America (Eastern and Central Brazil) and North America (Winnebago Sioux), that the dual organizational principle is an expression of a reciprocity mechanism (emphatically postulated by Rousseau), but also a hierarchization mechanism. (33) The fact that the dual organizational form according to Lévi-Strauss provides an effective method for solving diverse problems is true in our opinion with the various Sioux peoples of the American level, especially the Omaha Sioux. In contrast to other Indian nations, dualism does not manifest itself in mythology, but in its cosmic and religiously understood dualistic social structure. When addressing Omaha as a collective, a speaker used the phrase: "Ho, heaven people, earth people, both sides of the house". This phrase already shows that the tribe understood itself as a dual unit, as a dual organism. The visible and materialized form was the circular arrangement of the tents in the camp ring (huthuga). Each of the 10 clans occupied a ritually determined room, the camp ring was divided into east and west by an invisible line, to the north of it the 5 clans of the sky people camped, to the south the 5 clans of the earth people. Dualism appears in many ways; the crossing of the east-west dividing line cost the boy a beating, in the ritual ball game (which had a cosmic meaning, since the ball movements related to the life-bearers, i.e. to the winds) the sky people competed against the earth people. Both halves had a chief and a tribal pipe, the smoking of which sanctified the decisions of the tribe - but no decision could be made unless both halves agreed. Ultimately, every family is a union between heaven and earth, i.e. every marriage is a union of heavenly people and earth people - the mixing of heaven and earth represented the ever present cosmic act of creation for Omaha and in this sense the hieros gamos ensured the lifespan of the family and the tribe. The origin of life is the interaction of dual cosmic forces, since heaven is understood as male, earth as female - this dual force is the basis of all creative processes. This idea was fundamental to Omaha and the huthuga (i.e. house, apartment) is the concretization of this idea, it is the visible form of the cosmic house. Each clan comprises several tents, each clan has its own name, its own symbols, its own ceremonial. The symbols and ceremonies of the different clans of earth people symbolize or are a repetition of nature or the natural year. Field construction rites and hunting rites are in the foreground, but always with a reference to the mythical creation, the mythical pattern of the ceremonies is the cosmic primeval year, the first summer on earth. For this reason, the order or the counting of the clans on the south side of the east begins with the Wapiticlan - it was the Wapiti who called the winds to the middle of the world in primeval times, which blew the water from the primeval rock and thus exposed the earth. The hair of the elk, which was rolling on the earth, stayed and turned into beans, corn, grass and trees.

The ceremonies and symbols of the Heavenly People, on the other hand, reflect not so much nature, but human life, to use Lévi-Strauss, the culture. Their ceremonies are celebrations of life from the first germ of conception to the ritual introduction of human life into the cosmos. There was the clan of the "buffalo-tailed people" who worshiped the crows (they gave the people their bodies in order to be able to live on earth), the clan of the "buffalo calf excrements", who had the duty of appropriate rites for the continuation of life to care (the buffalo fetus was taboo), or there was that of the people who "take possession of the children" or ritually introduce them into the cosmos by standing on a stone from left to right - calling on the four winds (" In the middle of the wind I send you ") - were turned. Thus, the child was put on the path of life, lost his baby name and received the name of the clan. (34)

The dichotomous model that Indian thinking has at its disposal and which allows opposites to be transferred into the system of thought also holds a "void" ready for the other within their own social structure. In particular, the so-called contraries or the clowns (as they are called in ethnological literature) embody the integration and acceptance of otherness; they could be viewed as a "metaphor" of inner and outer otherness. They are the taboo breakers par excellence, they vividly and publicly display the Dionysian powers and the animalistic aspects of human beings. In their shamelessness they show that humans are not only a "political animal", but that human existence is also based on an animal basis.

The Sioux believe that the mythical thunder beings (wakinyan), when they want to bring their power to the people, cause a man or a woman to dream of lightning (which arises from the opening of the one big eye of the thunderbird). The dreaming person must then promise the thunder beings to serve them on earth (whether she likes it or not) and the promise is kept in the Heyoka ceremony. The focus of the ceremony is the ritual cooking of a dog and the foolish hustle and bustle of the heyokas that have already been initiated to entertain those present. Seemingly foolish acts such as riding backwards on the horse, putting on the shoes the wrong way round, so that the heyoka comes while he goes away, entertains those present. In general, the heyoka says yes, when he means no and vice versa (35), it is a hot day, he covers himself with lots of blankets and is shivering with the cold, is a cold day, he goes naked and complains about the heat, he says "God" when he means "dog" and "dog" when he means "God". (36) But the foolish acts that cause laughter have a deeper meaning; they cause, according to Black Elk (himself a Heyoka master of ceremonies), that the human mind is opened to an immediate experience: "The heyoka presents the truth of his vision through comic actions, the idea being that the people should be put in a happy, jolly frame of mind before the great truth is presented ". (37) The heyokas are ascribed great spiritual powers (symbolized by lightning) (38), their unnatural behaviors are considered sacred, they protect people from lightning and storms, as they can divide the storm clouds with their power to avoid the rain keep away from a certain area. As a Thunderer, however, he represents a dual force, a force that both destroys and protects. Lame Deer says: "The thunder power protects and destroys. It is good and bad, as God is good and bad, as nature is good and bad, as you and I are good and bad [...] The good part is The light. It comes from the Great Spirit. [...] It brightens up the earth; it makes a light in your mind. It gives us visions [...] That light gave the people their first fire. And the thunder That was the first sound, the first word, maybe [...] The lightning power is awesome, fearful. We are afraid of its destructive aspect ... ". (39)

With some tribes (e.g. Haida), religious ceremonies could not even begin before those present, especially the foreign guests, had laughed - but according to reports, the ritual humor was not funny and encouraging in all tribes, but rather boring and even dangerous. (40) Arapaho clowns were notorious for boring everyone in attendance to the death; Navaho and Apache clowns frightened the children by threatening to devour them; Kwakiutl clowns threw small stones at people or stabbed them with pointed sticks, so that occasionally, Boas reports, people were also killed.A key characteristic of many clowns is their poverty, they only have themselves and their actions. They wear rags, beg or steal, a taboo break, actually, but among the Iroquois and Californian tribes, theft by the clown was a generally accepted thing. The Cheyenne clowns were also only dressed in scant rags and in their tent they lay with their heads and torsos on the ground and their legs in the air, leaning against the inner walls of the tent - they were said to act like him Lightning, so that they might become one with the power they most feared. They make the holy men or the priests ridiculous, grab the women by the breasts and, like the heyokas of the Sioux, put their bare hands in the boiling water to distribute and eat the dog prepared at the ceremony among those present. In this sense, the actions of the clowns also mean liberation from cosmic fears and from conventional ideas of the sacred and dangerous in religious ceremonies. The Wintu and Maidu clowns make fun of the holy man's bad song, the Navaho clowns ridicule the shaman's tricks. Although they are the cause of a relativization of religious authorities and tribal religious activities, they reveal a higher truth to those present by making them understand that it is not the shaman himself who has the power to heal, but that his actions are only the "symbolic" demonstration of that healing power that is itself invisible. (41)

The ability of the Indian religions to create an official space for the completely different, relativizing, dissolving, crazy, but also creative forces of the clowns is perhaps the characteristic that gives them the greatest flexibility, absorption and survival power. The first clown in the creation myths of the Acoma Pueblos, who is said to know something about himself, was so different from other people that the supreme god decided not to let him live on earth forever. Although he was insane, feared nothing or recognized as sacred, his presence, be it on earth or in heaven, was permitted - he helped the sun to cross heaven and also to earthmen by teaching them, for example, Thanksgiving. For the Isleta Pueblos it was the clowns who used their horns to bring people from the underworld, the world of ignorance, to the surface of the earth. Among the Apaches, who regard the underworld as spiritual and sacred, but the world of light as polluted by diseases, the mythical clown who brought them up from the underworld had such a terrible laugh that he drove diseases from the surface of the earth could. This is where the healing function of the clowns is revealed, a function they have in many tribes - the Cree and Ojibwa clowns chase the diseases away from the human mind with a sudden and terrible laugh. Navaho, Cheyenne and Sioux clowns scare people in order to free them from their worries and vain thoughts and to heal them. Hopi and Zuni clowns act as healers of the stomach, they themselves are immune to stomach problems and poisoning, as they devour dirt and excrement and drink urine. Zuni clowns are reported to have swallowed young dogs, dead or alive, stones, ashes and wood. In a Hopi Pueblo, according to reports, seven clown dancers drank three gallons of rot-smelling urine, smeared their bodies with it, and shouted: very sweet.

The shamelessness of the clowns is particularly evident with regard to sexuality: Ponca clowns touch the genitals of women in full daylight, Pueblo clowns publicly display their own genitals, Yuki clowns hold each other by the penis, Crow clowns simulate sexual intercourse with horses and Zuni Clowns advise people to mate with rams. One Hopi Pueblo reported that two clowns hunted a woman, raped her "symbolically" and a third masturbated in public.

With Hans Peter Duerr, one has to establish that the people who oppose Indian societies represent a "safety valve": "By granting the" completely other "an official place in one's own, one reduces its repression and thus protects oneself from the dangerous return of the repressed" ; the clown acts out "representative forbidden thoughts and feelings" and this "temporary> devaluation or revaluation of all values>" seems to have the effect that the "conflict potential in hunted societies is much lower" than in others. (42) The English quantum physicist David F. Peat sees the Indian clowns as a challenge to nature and society. Whenever order and harmony prevail, the clown intervenes and disrupts order, he makes boundaries visible by crossing them. The clown emphasizes the importance of order through the exact opposite, through disorder. The clown reminds us of the Dionysian forces within human society and within ourselves, he reminds us of the futility of our pursuit of security, control and absolute power. (43) The clown also reminds us that the body is not a controllable machine , his "lust for ridicule" is a "sign of health" because, according to Nietzsche, "everything that is unconditional belongs to pathology". (44)

The non-conformism, the aggressiveness, the perversity, the animalistic level and the shamelessness of the Indian clowns also make it possible to draw analogies to the Greek cynicism. The cynic Diogenes von Sinope farts, urinates and masturbates publicly in front of everyone, he despises wealth, parodies the gods and rulers, he is poor and dispossessed, begs and steals, eats raw meat and walks barefoot in the snow (45); his weapon is laughter and the laughter it evokes. Like Diogenes, the Indian clowns parody religious and state authorities, they do not submit to the respective "reality principle", they speak in a different, physical and animalistic way, they make it clear that one is in favor of one's own physique and its animalistic side need not be ashamed. When Diogenes replies to the question about the usefulness of philosophy that it has helped him to be prepared for every fate, he is expressing that the wise "can literally live anywhere because he is in every place with himself and the> laws of nature When Plato came up with the definition that man is a featherless bipedal animal, and thus found approval, he plucked he took the feathers out of a rooster and brought it to his school with the words: This is Plato's man; consequently the addition was made: With flattened nails ". (47) The clowns refute the language of the holy men by singing their sacred chants and imitate gestures ironically. The clowns respond to the strict sexual taboos that prevail in the tribal community with simulated sodomy and public masturbation, just as Diogenes, "this philosophizing tramp replies to Plato's subtle doctrine of eros with public masturbation". (47) The "dog man" Diogenes throws not with cooked dog meat around him and devouring dried dog poop (as observed by the writer on the Pine Ridge Reservation), but he lives like a dog: "Because I greet with fags that give me something, bark at that give me nothing, and bite who do evil ". (48) If the clowns finally appear as healers in many tribes, Diogenes is also a therapist, he paints a" therapeutic counter-image to social unreason ", he declares" his fellow citizens to be social cripples, educated and addicted Beings who in no way correspond to the image of the self-sufficient, self-controlled and free individual with which the philosopher tries to interpret his own way of life ". (49)

The individual nonconformism of the clowns was not dismissed as mere madness, anarchy and blasphemy, they were not excluded or included as insane and unreasonable, they were treated with respect and their behavior was understood as a demonstration of spiritual power - like the people of Acoma Pueblo claim of their first clown - he knew something about himself.

The openness to the completely different can also be seen in most tribes in dealing with homosexuals, lesbians, transvestites and hermaphrodites. Especially with the Navaho, these were considered preferred persons, only war and hunting were activities from which they were excluded. The phenomenon "Fraumann" or "Mannfrau" was and is widespread among the tribes of the Plains; the Lakota Sioux call men who acted like women and have sexual relations with the male sex beckoned (i.e. they will or should be women). The triggering moment here is also a dream or a vision [e.g. dream of a menstruating woman or of certain mythological figures like Anog Ite (two-face)] and the position of a waved within society was in earlier times that of a "medicine woman". A waved gave a child a secret so-called long life name, which the child did not reveal to anyone for the rest of his life, which then ensured him a long life. (50)

The "opening to the other", the rejection of equality in the sense of uniformity under the dictate of a universal (divine) reason, which excludes all forms of otherness like racism, the rejection of universal categories by which the unknown is classified as the known and finally a pluralistic understanding of the world can be identified as relevant characteristics of Indian thought. Lame Deer specifies: "For us, a person is what nature and his dreams make of him. We accept him as he would like to be [...] The Great Spirit wants people to be different [...] ] Even animals of the same species - two deer, two owls - differ from one another in their behavior. That is how the Great Spirit likes it. He only vaguely outlines the path of life for all creatures on earth, showing them where they go and where they are should arrive, but they should find their own way there ". (51)" To be different, even within the same species, "explains Vine Deloria," does not stand in the way of unity and homogeneity and does not need violence "- the Rather, otherness is a fundamental philosophical knowledge: "To live with creation is more than just tolerating other forms of life; it is the recognition that the strength of creation lies in diversity and that this strength is the Creator's intention" (52 ) The americ Ani Indians reject "a universal concept of brotherhood in favor of respectful treatment of those he has contact with" because, as Sitting Bull said, there is no need for "crows to become eagles". The Eurocentric attempt to "transform the world into eagles" under the metaphor of the universal, the reasonable and the good has made the transparency of evil (Baudrillard) visible and "only produced vultures". (53)

The idealistic philosophy of Fichte, which allows the ego to set its own being, which does not recognize the other of the ego, be it the body as well as the matter or mother nature, because transferred into the ego, must be diametrically opposed to the Indian philosophy appear. In place of the productive mother nature comes the I, which is through itself; nature is only there to make the ego repel itself. Although Fichte attempts to think people in relation to the not-I, that is, to what he is not, it by no means follows "the recognition of the not-I as the other of the I, for example of the body or the nature"; Even if the ego or the identity requires the non-ego or the non-identity for self-constitution, the non-ego is produced by the ego, which is the "source of all reality": "Insofar as the ego is absolute, is it is infinite and unlimited. Everything that is, it posits; and what it does not posess is not ... But everything that it posits, it posits as I, and the I posits it as everything that it posits in this regard the ego includes all within itself, that is, an infinite, unlimited reality ". (54) The non-ego is an activity of the ego, because it has an identifying effect on the ego, because the ego is suffering (through the not -I evoked) needed. The infinite reality of the ego and the infinite activity of the ego do not really have to produce a table, a stone or anything else, it is sufficient "that they are posited as not-me, from which the ego victoriously stands out as its opposition". (55) This sovereign affirmation of self-consciousness destroys the play of duality and reciprocity, robs things and nature of their autonomy and realizes the dream of a free and perfect subject, a subject without others. When this dream is dreamed to the end, nothing remains but the "infinite metastasis of identity". (56)
The American-Indian "ideology" does not drive out the other. The other, be it in the form of other races or cultures, be it in the form of evil, fate or in the form of gods (god) and spirits, is understood and recognized as existent. Reality does not mean identity and uniformity, but rather plurality and existing heterogeneity. God is not dead yet, because according to Nietzsche, gods die of laughter when they hear a god say he is the only one.


Notes:

* See Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America, p. 291.

1. See Lévi-Strauss, Die Luchsgeschichte, page 260.

2. Ibid., Page 243. The "void", which according to Lévi-Strauss "is common to all peoples of the New World", had serious consequences for these peoples: "It is well known that the annihilation of the Aztecs and Inca, the were unable to offer effective resistance to the conquerors, largely explained by the fact that they believed they recognized deities that had disappeared in them, the return of which they foresaw or even hoped for in ancient holy traditions. Aztecs who had arrived in Mexico in the 17th century had taken over their culture), had to leave his people by a rival deity, he proclaimed that one day beings would come across the sea, from the direction of the rising sun, who looked like the Indians in the shape of a tall, fair-skinned man with a long and rounded beard, which is why the Indians stopped, the Chronicles say iken when they saw the Christians, they for brothers and sons of the gods of Quetzalcoatl. The Maya knew the same prophecy: "Receive your guests," one reads in one of their holy books, "The bearded and come from the Orient." "In contrast, European scholars knew the Indians and their rituals from the outset, that is, they were works According to Lévi-Strauss, Father de Smet, who judged the Sioux campaigns and the human sacrifices of the Pawnee with the following words in the middle of the 19th century, showed that this conviction was stubbornly upheld: "Who would want to face that?" many atrocities do not recognize in them the invisible influence of the enemy of the human race? "(ibid., p. 241).

3. See Lévi-Strauss, Die Luchsgeschichte, pp. 62-65.

4. Ibid., Page 15.

5. Ibid., Page 75.

6. Ibid., Page 75. According to Lévi-Strauss, the Gê myth collected from the 19th century seems to be less radical than that collected from the Tupinambá in the 16th century: "The reason is easy to guess: The Gê stepped only in the 18th century in permanent contact with the whites, two hundred years after the coastal Tupí, at a time when the Portuguese settlers had already had all possible time to settle and exert stronger and more brutal pressure on the Indians than in the 16th century, when the few whites had to laboriously gain access ".

7. Ibid., P. 242.

8. Ibid., P. 244.

9. Even if the prophecies are only known from texts after the conquest, we agree with the argument of Lévi-Strauss, who claims that all these "mythical representations [...] are to be counted among the veterans of American mythology" , because so-called twin mythologies (twins are equated with animals) can also be found in North America, especially in the myths of the Northwest Coast Indians. And Lévi-Strauss adds: "Nonetheless, it seems difficult to suspect the reception that the Aztecs gave Cortés and his companions, in the form in which it was told to the Spaniard Sahagún some thirty years after the whole incident.Convinced that Quetzalcoatl had returned, Montezuma sent envoys laden with all regalia of deities: masks encrusted with turquoise, with earrings, with ornamental weapons shining with precious feathers, with gold and jade neckbands, with lavish headgear, and so on Cortés with these holy robes and showered him with signs of veneration "(ibid., Pages 244-245).

10. See Frank Waters, Das Buch der Hopi, 59.

11. This symbolic act was not understood by the Spaniards, it meant that a spiritual and worldly home is prepared for every person on earth. Like the earth, maize is a "living entity" for the Hopi and mother earth is often equated with maize mother (ibid., P. 31).

12. Ibid., P. 354.

13. See Thomas Mails, Das Leben des Fools Crow, 171.
Büffelkind Langspeer, a Blackfoot from the Blood Reservation in Canada (Alberta), tells an amusing but concise story of thinking and accepting otherness. A white missionary wanted to convince the Blackfoot chief that the only true God the Blackfoot should worship was the Christian. The Blackfoot chief rose and said, "If what you say is true [...] then we Indians worship the same God that you serve - just in a different way. Than the Great Spirit, God, created the world, he gave the Indian one way to worship him and the white man another, because we are different people and lead our lives differently. [...] The Indian does not tell you how to serve God gladly if you worship him in your own way, because we know that you understand this way best ". When the missionary stated again that the God of Blackfoot was not the same as that of the Christians, the chief answered unequivocally: "Then there must be two gods" (cf. Chief Buffalo Long Spear, page 137).

14. The "void" repeatedly emphasized by Lévi-Strauss is a constitutive feature of structuralism and can therefore, in our opinion, be compared with the interpretation of the term wakan as a "symbolic zero value". In the introduction to Marcel Mauss' work, Lévi-Strauss asks himself whether the term wakan does not express a "universal and permanent form" of human thought; a form "which is precisely not characteristic of certain civilizations or of allegedly archaic or semi-barbara" stages "in the evolution of the human mind". When the Sioux called the first horse they saw sunka wakan, i.e. mysterious (sacred) dog, because it did not look like a human being, but rather a dog, only that it was much larger, they go like a Frenchman who describes an unfamiliar and unfamiliar object as machin (ie thing there). This term also refers to "machine" and more distantly to the "idea of ​​force and power" (this very idea is also implied in the term wakan). For Lévi-Strauss, the difference between wakan and machin lies in the fact that wakan establishes a "system of meanings" that we exclusively reserve for science. Although the term wakan is “meaningless in itself”, it is suitable “to assume any meaning”, ie it has the function of “closing a gap between the signified and the signified” or it indicates that “under certain circumstances [ ...] a relationship of inadequacy arises between the signifier and the signified ". The concept of wakan does not belong to the "order of reality", but to that of "symbolic thinking". According to Lévi-Strauss, the activity of symbolic thinking contains a contradiction: the human being has an "excess of signifiers [...] in relation to the signifieds", between the two there is "always an inadequacy that can only be resolved by the divine spirit " consist. Humans therefore always have an "abundance of meaning" and terms like wakan represent "floating signifiers" who, although "a condition of all art, all poetry, all mythical and aesthetic invention", are "disciplined" by modern scientific knowledge become. Terms like wakan, manitu or orenda are "a conscious expression of a semantic function" and their role is to enable the activity of symbolic thinking. Whether one interprets wakan as something abstract or concrete, as something omnipresent or non-omnipresent, as a quality, a state or a force, it does not matter: it is everything at the same time because it is nothing of everything. Wakan is a "symbol in its pure state" that can contain any symbolic content; it is a "symbolic zero value", the function of which is to "oppose the absence of meaning without bringing along any particular meaning" (cf. Lévi-Strauss, introduction to the work of Marcel Mauss, In: Marcel Mauss, Sociology and Anthropology I, pages 7-41.). This "symbolic zero value" and thus the "void" are constitutive of philosophical structuralism in the sense that this void, according to Deleuze, does not express "non-being" or "no being of the negative", but rather the "positive being of the 'problematic', the objective being of a problem and a question" (cf. Gilles Deleuze, How can one recognize structuralism ?, page 54.).

15. See Lévi-Strauss, Die Luchsgeschichte, pp. 82-83.

16. Ibid., P. 82. "What these myths implicitly proclaim is that the poles between which the phenomena of nature and life-in-society fit themselves - heaven and earth, fire and water, above and below, closeness and distant, Indians and non-Indians, fellow citizens and foreigners, etc. - cannot be twins. The human mind struggles to pair them without being able to establish parity between them, for these are precisely these graded differential ones Distances in the form that mythical thinking creates that set the machine of the universe going. And that applies down to the last detail. A contemporary version of the Tupí Genesis, collected in southern Brazil in 1912, tells us that one of the twins, too eager to suckle, disfigured his mother's breast. Since then women have had asymmetrical breasts: not even the breasts can be twins! ".

17. Ibid., Pages 81 and 141, respectively.

18. See Jean Baudrillard, The Impossible Exchange, p. 48.
In contrast, it must be noted that the North American-Indian traditions in particular have a very divergent attitude towards twinhood. For the Kwakiutl, as Franz Boas reports, a twin birth was a "wonderful event". Based on Boas and George Hunt, Lévi-Strauss reports from the Kwakiutl: "Nevertheless, they subjected their father and mother to all conceivable regulations and prohibitions [...]. For four years, the parents who were subject to these rules lived completely cut off from their community under the spell of the impossibility of engaging in any productive activity [...]. Their relatives supported them, and throughout this period they offered them material and moral assistance, for the families of the woman and the man were proud to offer these supernatural beings To be able to count among their own: twins who, among other gifts, had the abilities to heal the sick, to awaken favorable winds and to command rain and wind.It was known that the immense prestige of the twins would overwhelm all their relatives But that was not the only motive; [...] if they acted like this, it was because all family members, like the Indians gl aub, will die if the father and mother of the twins do not obey these customs. [...] If the father and mother of the twins have a really strong soul, they stop working for four years - mind you, when there are enough people to look after them and give them wood for the fire and their whole Can provide food "(Cf. Lévi-Strauss, Die Luchsgeschichte, pp. 142-143). In this respect it is understandable that, as Mauss reports on the sources of boas, the Kwakiutl had a potlatch for parents of twins who go to work.

19. Ibid., P. 83.

20. Ibid., P. 247.

21. Ibid., P. 248.

22. Here is a brief summary of the Iroquois creation myth (version of the Onondaga): Out of jealousy, the chief of heaven decided to change the primeval world. He uprooted the tree of light and through the opening he pushed his pregnant wife and with her the primordial beings corn, tobacco, beans, deer, bear, etc. down into today's world. These animals and plants were transformed into the forms of the earthly world known to us today. But their archetypes or their older brothers remained in the upper heavenly world. The falling woman was caught by the turtle, a whole flock of muskrats lifted mud out of the sea and lined the turtle's back with it. So they created the earth. The woman gave birth to a girl who quickly grew into a woman. She soon became pregnant too, and even during her pregnancy she felt the twins arguing in her body. One twin was born naturally, while the second was made of flint and erupted through the armpit, killing its mother. Again and again he protested to his grandmother that he was innocent of his mother's death, which is why he was tenderly cherished and cared for by her. The naturally born or the "good" twin, on the other hand, was rejected by her. He grew up quickly and received help from his father. Through his supernatural powers he made the earth grow due to his wanderings. At the same time he created various animals and broke off the upper teeth of the buffalo, the elk and the deer so that they could not be dangerous to humans. The "bad" twin or the flint boy tried to imitate his brother and designed a bird like his brother. It didn't become a bird, but a bat. The animals created by the human-like twin were locked into a large cave by the flint boy, from which only the species we know today could escape with the help of the "good" twin. The flint boy repeatedly disturbed the good works of his brother: Once he built an ice bridge over the ocean to pave a way for terrible monsters that were supposed to kill people from the opposite country to this earth. The "good" twin, however, destroyed the bridge. The sun and moon were also captured by the flint boy and grandmother. The "good" twin freed them, however, threw them into the sky and thus made the light accessible to all. The flint boy tried to destroy all his brother's facilities, he didn't create people, but monsters, he created great mountains and towering cliffs so that people should be afraid when they travel. But one day it came to an end: With flint and deer antlers, the "good" twin knocked pieces out of his brother's body, who finally sank dead to the ground and today's Rocky Mountains are the physical remains of the vicious twin. But he still lives on in various night ceremonies of the Iroquois (cf. Werner Müller, The Religions of the Woodland Indians of North America, pages 114 - 128).
Like Lévi-Strauss, the quantum physicist David Peat interprets the duality of twins as a necessary condition for the possibility of the existence of the world. He writes: "In so many ways scientists are beginning to percieve the underlying duality of chaos and order, the one emerging out of the other. Order and chaos are like the two brothers in the stories told by the Iroquois people. When one of the brothers produce something, the other creates its opposite; when one of the brothers produces order, the other will turn this order upside down. Non-Natives interpret these brothers as> good According to Peat, this dualism of a "good" and "bad" principle can also be found in the Aztec religion; it keeps the machine of the universe flowing and must not be confused with moral and ethical categories. In our opinion, the ethno-psychoanalysis of Mario Erdheim succumbed to this misinterpretation: cruel deities such as Tezcatlipoca or Huitzilopochtli are something terrifying for him and they are the reason why the Aztec was plagued by "phantasmagoric fears". The Aztec religion is a "counter-evolutionary principle of organization" and "blocked the level of learning in society". The "machine" that produced the fears was the body and the "most terrifying thing about the Aztec religion was the equation of symbol and thing" or the equation of body and earth or cosmos. Erdheim sees this "terrifying" equation, for example, in a version of the Aztec myth of the creation of the world, according to which Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca (as embodiments of the "evil" principle) brought the earth goddess down from the sky, tore her apart and one half of the earth and the other of the sky did. The other gods (as embodiments of the "good" principle) wanted to make amends for this terrible deed and therefore they turned the remains of the earth goddess into food. Erdheim regards the equation of body and earth as the "frightening" par excellence, because: "The will to rule the body was carried over to all of nature, and the coercive systems that surrounded the human body like barbed wire found their equivalent in religious ritual "(cf. Mario Erdheim, The social production of unconsciousness, page 245). In this context, the claim that there is no distinction between symbol and thing also seems problematic, an interpretation that Ernst Cassirer also advocates. According to Cassirer, mythical thinking lacks a clear distinction between the imagined and the real, between dream and reality, between image and thing. Because the picture does not simply represent a thing, but because it is the thing itself, mythical thinking lacks the "category of the" ideal "(cf. Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of Symbolic Forms II, pp. 48, 51f.). If that were really the case, then one should legitimately ask the question of how so-called primitive peoples could have survived. If one cannot clearly distinguish between imagined and real things, then, as Duerr rightly points out, for example, dreams in which the community had sufficient food would have led to one no longer hunting; Likewise, a hunter could not distinguish himself and the object to be hunted (cf. Hans Peter Duerr, Der erotic Leib, page 23f.).

23. See Lévi-Strauss, Die Luchsgeschichte, page 249.

24. Ibid., Pp. 252-253.

25. Ibid., P. 245. Furthermore, according to Lévi-Strauss, many Maya gods and other Aztec deities have "internal reduplications" (eg two masters etc.) and in the mythology of the Mixtec there are two divine brothers, one of them is able to turn into an eagle, the other into a snake. So you transform into the two kinds of beings that the name Quetzalcoatl blends into one. In this sense, the god Quetzalcoatl represents "a twin entering into divergence".

26. The mythological trickster figure is widespread across the entire North American continent, be it in the form of the coyote, the hare (Algonquin) or the spider (Iktomi) among the Lakota Sioux or in the form of Wakdjungkagas among the Winnebago Sioux. The trickster unites in one figure the dual principle of good and evil or the cheater and the deceived. For the most complete collection of trickster mythologies, see: Paul Radin, The Trickster A Study in American Indian Mythology.

27. In general, the Sioux know exactly 405 good spirits and powers, called Stone White Men, who work in creation according to the will of Wakan Tanka. Only medicine men and holy men can use them for the good of people (cf. Th. Mail, Das Leben des Fools Crow, p. 75f). On the other hand, there are innumerable evil spirits and powers, as some Oglala shamans explained to the reservation doctor Walker: "The Bad Gods are Iyo or Ibom, and Gnaskinyan [Crazy Buffalo] and Anog Ite [Double Face] and Untehi [Water Monsters] and Mini Watu [Water Spirits] and Can Oti [Tree Dwellers] and Ungla [Gobbins] and Gica [Dwarfs] and Nagila Sica [Evil Nonhuman Spirit]. Iyo is the chief of the Evil Gods and he is the evil Wakan Tanka. When he is like a giant he is Iyo, and when he is like a cyclone he is Ibom ... "(See James R. Walker, Lakota Belief and Ritual, p. 94).

28. See James R. Walker, Lakota Myth, 218.Moreover, both unequal twins are also in the way that they are offspring of the same divine father (Inyan) but not of the same mother.

29. Cf. Jean Baudrillard, The Impossible Exchange, p. 138. It must be added, however, that the dualism of Indian thought and the pluralism that grows from it are basically a monism: "To come to the magic formula that we are all looking for: Pluralism = monism ... "(cf. Deleuze, Guattari, Tausend Plateaus, page 35.). For the North American-Indian thinking it is one and the same cycle that connects everything or puts everything into a relationship. In this sense, the circle thinking and kinship thinking of the North American-Indian traditions (compare section 2.3.2. Of this chapter) bear witness to the equation pluralism = monism.

30. Ibid., P. 139.

31. Ibid., Page 53.

32. Ibid., Page 65.

33. See Lévi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology I, pp. 148-183.

34. See Werner Müller, The Religion of the Woodland Indians of North America, pp. 143-166.

35. See Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions, p. 258. Lame Deer says: "Well, the heyokas dance around that steaming kettle, sing and act contrary. If the dreamer says,> A good day tomorrow", well, it will be a hell of a day next day. And if he says,> Tomorrow will be a bad day, thunderstorms from morning to night <, you can leave your umbrella at home. You won`t need it, because it will be beautiful. And if the heyoka sees a sick person and says,> He's going to die <, that sick person will be all smiles because he knows he's going to live. But if the heyoka says,> You are going to get well <, the poor thing, he might as well start writing his will ".

36. Ibid., P. 260.

37. See Raymond J. DeMallie (Ed.), The Sixth Grandfather, 232.

38. Lame Deer: "For us Indians everything has a deeper meaning; whatever we do is somehow connected with our religion. [...] To us a clown is somebody sacred, funny, powerful, ridiculous, holy, visionary. He is all this and then some more. Fooling around, a clown is really performing a spiritual ceremony. He has a power. It comes from the thunder-beings, not the animals or the earth. In our Indian belief a clown has more power than the atom bomb. This power could blow of the Capitol "(See Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions, p. 249).

39. See Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions, pp. 253-254.

40. Unless otherwise stated, the following comments on the clowns are taken from: Barbara and Dennis Tedlock, Teachings from the American Earth, pp. 105-117.

41. Similar to the Hegelian cunning of world reason, there is agreement among the shamans and medicine men of the Sioux that they are only containers of that power that comes from Wakan Tanka. Therefore, Wakan Tanka only uses these chosen people to bring his strength to people - and he can take it away from them again. So it is not the shaman himself who heals, but it is always Wakan Tanka (cf. Thomas Mails, Das Leben des Fools Crow, page 75.).

42. See Hans Peter Duerr, Breakfast in the Green, pp. 33-34.

43. See David Peat, Lighting the Seventh Fire, 83.

44. Quoted from: Peter Sloterdjik, Critique of Cynical Reason I, page 203.

45. Cf. Doigenes Laertios, Life and Teaching of the Philosophers, pages 281 and 265, respectively.

46. ​​See Peter Sloterdjik, Critique of Cynical Reason I, p. 312.

47 Ibid., P. 207.

47 Ibid., 204.

48. Cf. Diogenes Laertios, Life and Teaching of the Philosophers, p. 276. Laertios also reports: "During a meal they threw him bones like a dog, and when he went away he pitted them like a dog" (ibid., Page 270).

49. See Peter Sloterdjik, Critique of Cynical Reason I, p. 307.

50. See Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions, p. 117. In this sense, as Lame Deer suggests, leaders or holy men like Sitting Bull or Black Elk had so-called waved names (ibid., P. 154.) . On dealing with lesbians, see also: Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop, pages 245-262.

51. Quoted from: Jack D. Forbes, Die Wétiko Seuche, page 49.

52. See Vine Deloria, God is red, page 84. Ibid. Deloria quotes the words of the Sioux Shooter: "Wakan Tanka teaches animals and plants what to do. Wakan Tanka teaches birds to build nests, but they do Birds' nests are not alike. [...] The forest is the home of many birds and animals, the water is the home of fish and reptiles with the other animals and humans. The reason that Wakan Tanka does not make two birds, animals or humans alike is that each should be a free and unique being ".

53. See Vine Deloria, in: Indigenous America and the Marxist Tradition, p. 207. Sitting Bull's full words to the Canadian government are: "If the Great Spirit had wanted me to be white, He would have me as He created whites. He made it so that in your hearts there are different desires and plans than in mine. Before him every person is good just as he is. Eagles should not be crows "(cf. Vine Deloria, God is red, Page 140.).

54. See Hartmut and Gernot Böhme, The Other of Reason, page 128.

55. Ibid., P. 127.

56. See Jean Baudrillard, The Impossible Exchange, p. 76.